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Cuba: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow (III) "mother ... thinks flowers are born among thorns"


We can summarize the history of the struggle of democrats against Castro Cubans with a shocking but accurate saying. The Cubans have been the "monkey tied the tiger loose." The result of this situation for half a century of totalitarian tyranny has been psychologically devastating.


First hit Fidel Castro's betrayal of the democratic ideals of the Cuban revolution, based on the full backing of the Soviet empire. The immediate objective was to destroy Castro's communist civil society. This had been shaped by several generations of Cubans led by the idealistic thought José Martí. The theme of the class war's Cuba replaced "with all and for the good of all." The plan was carried out to the drum of the propaganda of hatred, of the shootings, prison and exodus.


In the first stage of the conflict (in 1961) a mini invasion of Cuban Democrats was sent to Cuba by the United States and left for dead in a south coast beach. As a result of that failure of the democratic opposition inside and outside the island was demoralized and disorganized. U.S. tyranny gave a victory which consolidated their power in Cuba. Fidelistas had wanted to believe that defeated the power of U.S. imperialism.


Then, for five decades, the lack of solidarity among democratic nations, the more favorable attitude toward the Castro regime from the international press and much of the global intelligentsia, relentlessly undermined the morale of the Cuban democrats. When a group of Cuban Democrats won support from some country, Washington will not be tolerated as out of control in influencing events in Cuba. Was the case of CID.


Those who followed the Castro regime in its Marxist-Leninist project also ended up frustrated. Given the failures of the system were gradually away bitterly. They had lost the best of their lives fighting for an unattainable mirage. In the process they hit many of his countrymen. His old Castro militancy made them feel at an impasse. The dictatorship was responsible for feeding that fear.


Meanwhile, the new Cuban generation growing distant from a political system that gave him no opportunities or spaces. This sector of the population stayed away from the opposition. The price she paid to get involved in repression. In addition, they saw no tangible possibility of victory. The "new man" of the revolution was a product apolitical no illusions of the future in their country. For them Cuba is a cemetery. If you do not run away, you buried it.


This cocktail of negative factors contributed to a working people, happy and confident, he loves his country and its history, lose faith in their destiny. The hope was in the hands of a minority of Democratic opposition on the island and in exile.


A dictatorship fared no better. The people accepted the yoke and propaganda, marching in parades and waving flags, but not working. His dream was to escape the socialist paradise. Meanwhile participated, as members of the nomenclature, the distribution of assets State and foreign subsidy was the real engine of the system.


Cuba some years ago all seemed lost. Castro then the political scene began to change and a ray of hope appeared.


José Martí was right when very young, from prison, comforting his mother writes: "Mother ... think flowers are born among thorns."


continued ...


Look, mother, and your love do not cry:
If a slave to my age and my doctrines, martyr
Your heart filled with thorns,
think flowers are born among thorns. José Martí



Presidio, August 28, 1870

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Confucius intellectuals in politics

By: Eduardo Casanova - Rómulo Gallegos was a great intellectual, but a very bad politician. Overthrow was left a few months after being elected president more than one of his followers heard him say he was too straight, too inflexible to be political. In 1962 and 1963 I spent in body and soul to promote the candidacy of another great intellectual, Arturo Uslar Pietri. At his request, his son and I invested Arturito long time to negotiate with people AD-Opposition (or AD-ARS), URD and FDP support the possibility that an independent candidate to face Raul Leoni, which was what had a better chance of winning. It was not possible, and in my house was founded on the Independent Pro National Front (the Bell) and his first directive was led by a triumvirate of Antonio Requena, Pedro Segnini La Cruz and myself. I had to lead the youth Uslar, bore virtually all the weight of the campaign, and I asked efforts Gastón Carvallo, I got the support of Teodoro Petkoff and Freddy Munoz (one prisoner and one hidden), which allowed us to have the Communist Youth and penetrate with absolute efficiency the neighborhoods of Caracas and major cities, which was crucial to the surprising success as a candidate Arturo Uslar Pietri. It was my first and only political success in life. At the end of the day, despite my youth, and was then an intellectual. However, towards the end of the campaign (the campaign of the bell) and I had not realized that Arthur had been an excellent candidate but it would be a very bad President. Fortunately, the elections were won by Raúl Leoni, who had very little intellectual but it was a very good President. Possibly the best ever in Venezuela despite the abuses committed by military and police during his five years. After the bell this year I realized that I could never be political, and therefore, at the beginning of government Leoni, searched and managed to enter the Foreign Service and forgot about political activism. Some time later I got to know Rómulo Betancourt, who in his youth dreamed of being a writer and intellectual, and I heard him say that his success was because it was a full-time politician, who in the 1930's chose the path of politics and completely left behind those dreams juveniles to publish stories, poems, essays and even novels. Rafael Caldera did not leave completely aside the dream of being an intellectual, and therefore did not become a truly good politician. His "sorry" to Chavez and the resounding failure of his second term to prove it. And in general, great scholars are not good politicians (Ramón J. Velásquez is another case to show what I show). Pundits may be good but not good politicians. To say do not do too much damage to anyone, but to act as politicians can negatively affect the lives of many people with wrong decisions. Because finally, after all, when a politician governs affects many people with their decisions. If it is good policy, its decisions tend to be good. If it is bad policy, its decisions are often poor. In that, without doubt, Lenin was right: the intellectuals are bad politicians. Maybe because they think too. In contrast to the military, politicians who are terrible because they think, because thinking is not taught to obey and command and, usually, their decisions are usually bad. We'll talk soon.